RALEIGH ó Media outlets have recently taken to referring to Ruffin Poole as former Gov. Mike Easley’s “fixer” or “Mr. Fix-It,” a go-to guy who took care of problems in the Easley administration.
Recently, Poole has found himself at the center of state and federal investigations examining some of the activities of the former governor.
The description as Easley’s fixer is interesting. In 2001, Poole followed Easley from the state attorney general’s office to the governor’s office. At the time, he was 28, two years removed from graduating from law school at N.C. Central.
Before going to law school, Poole cut his political teeth working for Zeb Alley, then the most powerful lobbyist in Raleigh.
To some of the old hands around the Legislative Building, Poole was one of Easley’s “kids” or “boy lawyers.” Of course, such descriptions are always a matter of perspective. Another of those “boy lawyers” was recently on the short list to become a U.S. attorney, heading a local office of the U.S. Justice Department.
Poole, with his perfect hair, unfailing politeness and boyish face even into his 30s, seemed an odd person to be labeled as “fixer.” On many mornings, you could catch him strolling across Capitol Square, a cell phone often glued to his ear.
Although he was no grizzled political veteran and didn’t fit the profile, Poole became Easley’s patronage chief, the guy who oversaw appointments to state boards and commission.
In that role, he sat at the intersection of power and money.
People who want to serve on state boards and commissions often have money. Many of them give some of that money to candidates. Giving them a post that helps set state policy means giving them political power.
It’s the kind of job where you need to be careful. Working for the state’s top politician can be heady stuff. Having other wealthy, powerful people constantly pressing to acquire your good graces can be dangerous stuff.
The job can become treacherous when you do other things for the boss, like trying to keep happy political appointees or donors in their other dealings with state government. Then, motives tend to become jumbled.
Before long, someone might accuse you of sticking your nose where it doesn’t belong, of interfering with professional regulators, of thinking about campaign cash not policy demands.
Easley always portrayed his administration as different, as not about politics. Maybe having a few fresh faces around made it look that way.
The evidence indicates otherwise. Poole contacted state regulators about environmental permits needed by Easley friends and donors; he wrote a note to Easley’s campaign fundraising head when one donor’s permit was approved.
Now, Poole is refusing to cooperate with investigations of his old boss, invoking his 5th Amendment rights against self-incrimination.
His actions today might appear to be more careful than in his old job.
But maybe they’re not. Maybe he’s on a path to be Easley’s fixer once more.
Fixers can become fall guys.
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Scott Mooneyham writes for Capitol Press Association.